“Sunny Ways,” Wilfrid Laurier’s famous words imagining a prosperous Canada, were repeated in Justin Trudeau’s 2015 victory speech. I remember being 14, excited for a Canadian transformation advancing Indigenous reconciliation, fighting climate change, and addressing growing inequalities. My naïve high school self quickly learned that politics is anything but ‘sunny.’ While I lack the space to cover every single success and failure, I nevertheless submit that despite the Trudeau government’s setbacks, their overall legacy is positive and even bolder than before.
Let us step back to the end of Harper’s era for contextualization. The positives include: the GDP-to-equity ratio (the same measure used by the Liberals) being one of the lowest amongst the G7, lowered taxes and introduced child benefits, and being a principled politician. Yet, he further empowered the fossil fuels industry, silenced climate scientists, ignored legal obligations to Indigenous peoples, and continued to ignore national responsibilities by passing them to the provinces.
It is fair to submit that Trudeau started his term with a bang. He first doubled the Canadian Child Benefit, cumulatively reducing child poverty by 50%. Second, he dealt with a disgustingly hostile Trump administration during NAFTA renegotiations, enabling stronger access to American lumber and dairy markets. Third, he significantly legitimized diversity in Cabinet politics. Fourth, he increased the TSX’s diversity of tech companies significantly due to cumulative technological investments and programs. Fifth, he showcased Canada’s strength of diversity when opening our doors to Syrian refugees who have significantly boosted our economy. Lastly, he reminded us of the benefits of a strong federal government with the historic daycare program, continuing to boost women’s entrepreneurship, and, indeed, outpacing down south.
This last point of strong centralism is his greatest achievement. Years of fragmentation—notably starting in the Mulroney era—have created provinces accustomed to little federal oversight and accountability. Such policies facilitated growing disparities amongst Canadians living in different provinces. This defragmentation has created a lack of universal data for various areas necessary to make large scale policy decisions, as observed during the pandemic.
Certainly, one of his most important achievements is the Pan-Canadian Framework (PCF) released in 2015. Economists have deemed the government’s conservative economic instrument of unilateral carbon pricing as a genius market mechanism that attacks emissions while also placing more money in typical households. Combined with other programs such as incoming cap and trade programs, the PCF is excellent (though raising the price per new public government modelling is ideal). Although one could argue that the PCF’s success is hampered by pipeline construction, in today’s (and upcoming) regulatory and business environment, clean energy is the only real legitimate viable energy source. Additionally, pipelines were a concession of political federalism to Notley’s Alberta. This is ascribable to the federal government’s fear of provincial mutiny if they immediately launched the now-existing green transition plans.
Federalism’s complications are a major problem underlying Canadian policy making. Ideally, parties collaborate to work together to create strong evidence-based policy for the public good. In reality, however, political spats regularly occur.
Much of the blame is attributable to provincial governments. Their clamouring for more power and responsibility has often led to detrimental results. Provincial governments are increasingly propagating right-wing and false viewpoints (e.g. clean energy is the enemy, just transition opposition, gender naming rules, Tucker Carlson, etc.)—often to stymie Ottawa’s ability to deliver necessary national policy. Such irresponsible power grabs disgrace our unwritten constitutional principles and most importantly, our underlying constitutional slogan “Peace, Order, and Good Government”.
Still, provincial antics are an inexcusable defence for the feds’ slow reaction time to dealing with widespread societal issues. The federal government’s renewed focus on housing as national policy (e.g. Victory Housing, boosting the Accelerator, direct municipal agreements) is due to low poll numbers. Furthermore, it is no secret that a global pandemic forced the feds to remind the provinces of their health-care responsibilities via leveraging funds. These two examples are only two of the many areas showcasing problematic reactionary governance – painfully felt in polling numbers.
And yet, our reactive nature has also worked with regards to the Trudeau government’s central theme of Industrial Policy. Despite increasing in boldness since 2015, two events bring this cornerstone to new heights.
First, COVID reminded us of resilient domestic supply chains. Canada procured a strong vaccine supply despite foreign hostilities. Amongst various government grants, programming, and social programs, the government ensured future-produced vaccines in Canada—securing contracts with many pharmaceutical companies.
Second, the IRA suddenly accelerated the global green race. Nevertheless, we managed to respond efficiently. We secured major EV manufacturing across the country and much more, such as the new Atlantic Loop, carbon-contracts for difference, green hydrogen agreements, Clean Electricity Regulations, the Sustainable Jobs Act, pilot programs, electrification of delivery trucks, transit bus manufacturing, financial standards, clean tech funding, living labs, highly successful retrofitting programs, and more. The realities of climate change mean economic retooling is logical and essential.
Still, Environment and Climate Change Canada, alongside Yale researchers, just released a report noting that our fossil fuel companies are underreporting emissions by over 6000%. Effectively responding to these findings, especially much of the areas being under provincial jurisdiction, require precision and boldness. This caution is essential given the recent ruling on single use plastics, a piece of legislation that I directly contributed to.
Regardless, the end result of both of these responses is that Canada is outclassing the G7 in economic recovery and spearheading landmark environmental treaties. In fact, Canada has dethroned China as the new king of EV investment in 2023.
Foreign Policy is also a major improvement area. Canada’s stance towards refugees is one to be commended. Critics ought to remember that diplomacy is often needed to secure refugees from dangerous areas. Canada lacks the military might of the United States, and so cooperation between states is necessary (aside from international laws regarding forced intervention). Much of our success on the international stage lies in our inherent international appeal in economic partnerships; Canada is the only G7 state to have a trade agreement with every G7 state, we joined the Trans-Pacific-Partnership, and have specialized industrial partnerships with the EU, individual EU states, Japan, Iceland, Korea, and more.
But there are dangers. For one, despite trade alliances certainly expanding since Trump’s ascent, our strategic decisions are nevertheless still coordinated with the US. While allied coordination is beneficial, over-reliance on the US is a dangerous precedent. Precautionary decision making ensures Canada consistently treats international crises (and issues) with the proper care and nuance demanded by international law. Canada ought to ensure their approach is accurate rather than catering to majority or minority tyrannies.
I cannot conclude without discussing Indigenous peoples. The work towards fresh-water boil advisories is to be commended, as are historic treaties ensuring self-government (i.e. exiting the racist Indian Act) and changing mandate letters.
At the same time, the RCMP knowingly infringed on unceded Indigenous territory, financial institutions violated Indigenous sovereignty alongside significantly financing climate destruction, and Indigenous Women and Girls continue to be missing. The feds could address these issues per s.91 and other constitutional areas, but they have not done so. This is unacceptable—elected leaders have to do what is right, not easy.
In closing, despite these setbacks, the Liberals’ ever-increasing boldness and courage are indeed welcome, yet geopolitical realities continue to complicate solutions—governing is never easy. The Trudeau government already has the necessary foundations to add to an already impressive legacy.